Shortly after the comparative analysis of Codding et al. was published, I prepared a comment on the article that I submitted for publication. In response to feedback from the editors, I eventually revised the manuscript substantially. That revised version has now been published. In this paper, I share the original submission of the comment, which focuses on important considerations for future studies of risk-‐ sensitive foraging. Meanwhile, Codding and his colleagues have published a response to my comment. They exhibit some confusion about my position, which they describe as “paradoxical.” In a reply to their response, I have therefore added some clarifying remarks at the end of this paper
The article begins with a question about the value of revitalising the equation between sexual/intimate violence and terrorism in the current neoliberal/post-feminist political and epistemological landscape. We argue that the intensifying international interest in sexual violence, and an accompanying hyper-visual imagery, is implicated in the cauterisation of critical thought about sexual violence. We offer the more mobile and expansive concept of sexed violence to “unthink” dominant narratives that reproduce heteronormativity and white, Western hegemony. Through an analysis of the film Unwatchable, we consider why non-white raced bodies consistently materialise as less “comprehensible” as violatable than white bodies. We further suggest that a move to sexed violence can help to think more critically about both sexual violence and feminism.
In the spring of 2001 the hilly uplands immediately northwest of the modern city of Durres were for the first time investigated using the techniques of intensive surface survey. In total, an area of six square kilometers was explored and twenty-nine sites were defined, most of them new. Remains of Greek antiquity were plentiful and include unpublished inscriptions and graves. One site may be the location of a previously unknown Archaic temple. Included in this article are descriptions of the areas investigated, a list of sites, and a catalogue of the most diagnostic artifacts recovered. Patterns of settlement and land use are discussed and compared to those recorded by other surveys in Albania.
The previous study for which this one serves as an update concluded that there was good news for those who wished to live in racially integrated communities in Hamilton
County. The news remains good. At the 2010 census, fifty-four suburban Hamilton
County communities and Cincinnati neighborhoods, over one-third of the total,
containing 45% of the total population of the county, were at least modestly racially
integrated (Table 9).2 This continues trends that began as early as 1970 when seven
communities achieved integration that persisted for at least forty years. At the 1980
census, twelve achieved racial integration that lasted for at least thirty years. And at the 1990 census, ten became integrated with that persisting for at least the next twenty years. Together, twenty-nine communities have remained racially integrated for at least twenty years.
At the same time, the dissimilarity index (DI), a standard measure of residential
integration, showed improved black/white integration for both the city of Cincinnati and
Hamilton County as a whole (Table 1). Cincinnati’s DI dropped from 91.2 in 1950, its
highest point, to 64.8 in 2010. Hamilton County’s DI dropped from 82.8 in 1980, the
earliest for which we have data, to 71.3 in 2010. This means that increasing numbers of whites and blacks are living on the same blocks in a number of communities here.
The desirability of these integrated neighborhoods has apparently remained steady over time. Although both the city and the county have lost population, the integrated
neighborhoods have proportionally lost no greater population than the rest. Moreover, in the last decade, conventional wisdom to the contrary, several of the long-term integrated communities experienced increases in the white percentage of their population.
When we looked at socio-economic conditions throughout the county as measured by
seven indicators drawn from the census, we found a range of values for the integrated
communities. Some are clearly in quite good shape and improving and some show signs of decay. On a scale that aggregates five of these indicators, integrated communities on the average fell between the values for the city of Cincinnati as a whole and for suburban Hamilton County. This is particularly good news as the declining economy has certainly hurt the African Americans population more than the rest of the population. Because of this, the integrated communities might be expected to show a greater decline than the rest of the county, and while some of them have been hurt, on the average, they seem to be holding their own in comparison to the rest of the county.
Finally, the city of Cincinnati, which has long seen an increase in black population and a decrease in white population, in the 2000s saw a significant slow-down in the decline of white population and an actual decrease in black population. This suggests that the black/white ratio may stabilize in the city in the near future.
Cincinnati's struggle for fair housing has been a long and often contested one. A handful of neighborhoods in the Queen City and its metropolitan area are now stably racially integrated and more seem likely to join that number in the near future. Yet there is much more work to be done, as the metropolitan area as a whole remains one of the most segregated in the nation.
There is good news for those who desire to live in stable racially integrated neighborhoods in Hamilton County. Starting with the 1970 Census, racial segregation declined modestly in the City of Cincinnati and to a smaller extent in suburban areas of the county. This occurred as, over the three decades from 1970 to 2000, an increasing number of communities found blacks and whites living together on the same blocks. Indeed, at the 2000 Census, about one-quarter of Hamilton County communities were racially integrated by the measures used in this study. Moreover, starting with the 1980 Census, fourteen of those communities have maintained stable racial integration. This is in sharp contrast to the results of a 1984 study that found few racially integrated neighborhoods between 1940 and 1980, and that those that did exist generally did so only as neighborhoods changed from largely white to largely black. This news is also in sharp contrast to newspaper accounts of the 2000 Census that reported that “Cincinnati” remained one of the most racially segregated cities in the country. However, many of these reports confused the City of Cincinnati with the much larger Cincinnati Primary Statistical Metropolitan Area, which ranked the 8th or 9th most segregated metropolitan area in the country depending on the study. In actuality, the City of Cincinnati ranked 67th most segregated among 245 cities with populations over 100,000.